Governor Abba Yusuf of Kano State was formally admitted into the All Progressives Congress (APC) on Monday, ending weeks of speculation of his defection from the New Nigeria People’s Party (NNPP).
The governor’s former political godfather and leader of the NNPP, Rabiu Kwankwaso, labelled the move a betrayal and demanded that the governor resign from office before defecting.
Mr Yusuf resigned from the NNPP on 23 January in a letter addressed to the Diso ward chairperson of the NNPP in Gwale Local Government Area. He cited deepening internal crises and escalating legal disputes within the NNPP and the need to safeguard the broader “interest of the people of Kano State”.
The governor’s journey to the APC was long and fraught with tension. He eventually joined the party on 25 January in an elaborate event at Government House.
Many observers have described the development as a “palace coup”.
His supporters said Mr Yusuf’s defection liberated him from the overbearing influence of Mr Kwankwaso, who they accused of using his son-in-law as a stooge to serve a third term as governor. The governor’s critics, however, accuse him of betraying Mr Kwankwaso, without whom he could not have been governor.
For the governor, the defection means a new alliance with his predecessor, Abdullahi Ganduje, a figure he and his erstwhile godfather viewed as a political adversary and whose eight-year governorship they condemned as corrupt-tainted.
The governor took with him into the APC 22 members of the State House of Assembly, nine members of the House of Representatives, the 44 local government chairpersons, and several key support groups of Mr Kwankwaso’s Kwankwasiyya movement.
However, Deputy Governor Aminu Abdulsalam declined to move with Mr Yusuf. His status as an elected official means he can keep his office while being a political opponent of his principal.
The appointed officers have no such protection. At least five high-ranking cabinet members have resigned their appointments to remain with Mr Kwankwaso in the NNPP. They include Mustapha Kwankwaso and Ibrahim Umaru, a retired air vice marshal and former commissioner for internal security and special services.
The others are Yusuf Kofarmata, commissioner for science, technology, and innovation; Nasiru Garo, commissioner for special duties; and Aliyu Kibiya, commissioner for humanitarian affairs and poverty alleviation.
The wave of resignations also swept away Laminu Rabiu, director-general of the state pilgrims welfare board; Sunusi Kwankwaso, the governor’s political adviser; and Samaila Mukhtar, director of the state anti-corruption training institute, among others.
Those who resigned reaffirmed their loyalty to Mr Kwankwaso, who had spent weeks holding meetings with the displaced officials, field commanders and support groups at his Miller Road residence.
In public statements, Mr Kwankwaso branded the governor’s action as an act of betrayal. Following a suggestion from journalist Jafar Jafar on Facebook, he declared 23 January, the day Governor Yusuf resigned from the NNPP, as “World Betrayal Day.”
What next for Kwankwaso, Governor Yusuf
Ironically, Mr Kwankwaso’s anger with Mr Yusuf is not based on a principled objection to defections or hatred for the APC. He confessed that he, too, negotiated with the APC and was not opposed to joining the ruling party if his demands were met.
His anger with the governor stemmed from Mr Yusuf allegedly negotiating with the APC leadership without consulting him.
Mr Kwankwaso said that by the time he became aware of the situation, the governor had already secured a deal with the federal government and the backing of NNPP elected officials and support groups.
This was interpreted by Mr Kwankwaso as an attempt by the governor to strip him of his leadership of the political group that produced the governor and cast him into irrelevance.
With this rift, Kano State’s politics has shifted dramatically, leaving Mr Kwankwaso devastated. The governor has not only stripped Mr Kwankwaso of his primary bargaining chip (control of Kano State) but has also triggered a critical political transition that places Mr Yusuf’s own survival at stake.
The governor appears to have the upper hand against Mr Kwankwaso at this initial stage. Only a handful of the commissioners that Mr Kwankwaso personally put up for appointment have declared loyalty to him. Furthermore, none of the 44 local government chairpersons has opted to stay with him. These are individuals he had handpicked at his Miller Road residence as NNPP candidates while the governor was away in Saudi Arabia. That was the same way he twice anointed Mr Yusuf: first as the PDP candidate in 2019, and then as the NNPP candidate in 2023.
This rift has also dismantled the NNPP’s only stronghold (Mr Yusuf was the party’s only governor) and taken away Mr Kwankwaso’s most significant asset for political negotiation.
As the party’s foundation in Kano crumbles, the stage is now set for a high-stakes rematch between Mr Kwankwaso and Mr Ganduje, his estranged successor, in the next election cycle.
The fight has begun
Mr Kwankwaso has a profound understanding of Kano politics and has leveraged this insight to build personal popularity. By positioning himself as a fighter for the commoners, he has fostered a perception of himself among the masses as “one of them.”
Historically, Kano politics has tended toward opposition, particularly when a non-Northerner leads the federal government.
Mr Kwankwaso traverses the city on condolence visits and other engagements, deliberately passing through densely populated areas to maintain grassroots connections.
He has started firing salvos at the defectors, using populist sentiments to portray the governor and his allies as “capitalists” and “anti-masses”—ultimately branding them as betrayers of the people.
Even though he now stands as the underdog, it would be unwise to dismiss Mr Kwankwaso’s chances of reclaiming majority support in the 2027 elections, especially if he joins the opposition coalition, the African Democratic Congress (ADC). Kano often votes against the federal centre, as seen in the 1983, 2003, 2007, 2011, 2015, and 2023 elections.
Mr Kwankwaso understands this dynamic. As the sitting governor in 2003, when his PDP also controlled Abuja, he was defeated by an opposition candidate, Ibrahim Shekarau.
The 2027 contest promises to be an intriguing battle.
However, Mr Kwankwaso no longer benefits from a major factor that aided the NNPP in 2023—namely, a crisis in the APC caused by Mr Ganduje’s poor management of the party. Due to the crisis, key political figures departed the APC and supported the NNPP.
Automatic ticket and endorsement
Governor Yusuf’s entry into the APC appears to have the backing of the party’s leadership. The defection ceremony was attended by all the party’s bigwigs. Among the prominent figures was the Deputy Senate President and 2027 gubernatorial hopeful, Barau Jibrin, who officially endorsed the governor for reelection.
Mr Jibrin was for many years a formidable adversary of the Kwankwasiyya Movement in the state. Welcoming the governor into the APC, he preached party unity, political stability, and the development of Kano State.
The senior lawmaker told reporters on Tuesday, after the defection, that President Bola Tinubu has directed APC leaders in Kano to support Mr Yusuf and avoid actions that could undermine ongoing development efforts in the state.
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The former National Chairman of the APC, Mr Ganduje, corroborated Mr Jibrin’s remarks, telling the governor, “You will win your second term in 2027. We have spoken to all aspirants, and they have agreed to support you.”
This endorsement and pledge of support were a direct rebuttal of Mr Kwankwaso’s observation that the governor’s planned defection had already ignited a crisis in the APC. He stated that the party would not welcome defectors at the expense of its loyal members.
My loyalty remains to Kano
Defending his decision to break his political association with his father-in-law, Mr Yusuf attributed his return to the APC to a desire to work with President Bola Tinubu to gain more federal support for Kano’s development.
“The decision is not driven by personal ambition, nor is it inspired by political excitement. It is anchored on one overriding consideration: the stability, progress, and well-being of our state and its people.”
He continued, “Kano, I must say, is blessed beyond measure by its population, enterprise, and resilience. Yet, we must be honest with ourselves. Our persistent political tensions and cycles of confrontation have, at critical moments, slowed our progress.”
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“Our people now ask for results, not rivalries; they ask for solutions, not slogans. Governance is not a permanent political contest; it is a responsibility to deliver. In the realities of today’s Nigeria, delivery requires strategic alignment, cooperation, and access—not isolation. By aligning with the centre, we choose stability over stagnation, partnership over polarity, and progress over pride.
“Let me say clearly: this decision does not erase our past, nor does it diminish our future political journey. I remain profoundly grateful to our supporters who sacrificed and guided us toward this decision.”
The governor declared that his ultimate loyalty lies with the citizens, in what is considered a jibe at Mr Kwankwaso. “My loyalty is unwavering for the people of Kano. Kano first! Kano first!! Kano first!!!—before any other person.”
With that closing remark, Mr Yusuf erases any doubt of the drama in Kano being yet another case of things falling apart between a Nigerian political godfather and his godson.
